The digital activism of marginalized South African gen z in higher education

On March 11, 2020, the World Health Organization (WHO) declared the outbreak of the novel coronavirus (2019-nCoV) a pandemic due to “alarming levels” of spread, severity, and inaction (WHO 2020). South Africa confirmed its first COVID-19 case a month earlier, on March 5, 2020. By April 5, 2020, the number of confirmed cases had increased to 1585. To limit and contain the spread of COVID-19, President Cyril Ramaphosa initiated a nationwide lockdown that took effect on March 26, 2020. Stringent containment measures included bans on mass gatherings and events, restricting people’s movement and confining them to their homes. Only essential services were allowed to operate under a strict curfew. Initially designed to last two weeks, the lockdown was extended for nine months.

Lockdown restrictions impacted university operations and required them to prioritize public health measures and social distancing, leading them to shift away from traditional face-to-face instruction. This meant canceling graduation ceremonies and offering remote learning for most of the 2020 academic year. Blended learning models, which combine online and in-person learning, were not feasible during the lockdown (Mahaye 2020). Out of necessity to save the 2020 academic year, South Africa’s 26 public universities announced a move to online learning through internal channels and media outlets. These 26 universities represented 85% of enrollments in 2017 (Van Schalkwyk 2021). Only one is a distance learning institution. South Africa’s 26 public universities are autonomous but guided by government policies and funding. Governance is shared between university councils and senates. The system faces governance challenges and disparities in management capacity (Van Schalkwyk 2021). As a result, each university’s ability to deliver a fully online offering depended on its financial resources, educators’ skills, and capacity to provide value-added learning for students.

Not all students had the resources for online learning. Many students, particularly those from historically Black universities, low-income backgrounds, and working-class communities, faced material and situational barriers that made online learning difficult (BusinessTech 2020). These challenges created a crisis in the South African higher education sector, especially for previously disadvantaged universities and students. In response, students protested online to advocate for changes in the implementation of remote learning.

This paper aims to identify the challenges university students face with limited online resources during a hard lockdown, explicitly focusing on the case of South Africa. The research will explore the online mobilization efforts undertaken by students and the demographics of those involved. Anstey (2023) states that most students registered at South African universities in 2023 were undergraduates and Generation Z (Gen Z) members. Gen Z are people born between 1995 and 2015. Specifically in 2021, there were 968,109 students: 73.5% Black African, 14.8% White African, and 4.4% Asian African. Notably, 71% were first-generation students, and primarily Black African (Anstey 2023). Annually, there are approximately 1,131,000 students enrolled at public universities, and 450,000 university students receive funding through bursaries (Portfolio Committee on Higher Education Report 2024). It is therefore probable that Gen Z students predominantly carried out the digital activism and tweets expressed on X (Twitter) due to resource depravation. Further research is needed to explore the specific framing tasks employed by student activists and how online and offline events are interrelated within this mobilization.

Main research objective: To explore the digital activism of Gen Z on X (Twitter) in response to the switch to online learning during the 2020 COVID-19 lockdown.

We used the following guiding questions:

• What are the challenges in the higher education system mentioned by Gen Z students in their activist tweets regarding universities’ radical switch to remote learning?

• What sort of reactions does students’ education activism face?

• How can these tweets and conceptualization inform university management and government to develop strategies to make online learning accessible for all students?

This article initially defines and compares the Black Lives Matter Movement and Student Online Movements, connecting these to the challenges of online learning in South Africa, social media activism, and the media representation of Generation Z student activism. It will then delve into the study’s methodology, results and discussion, drawing on student tweets to conclude and highlight the disparities in understanding student education among university authorities, government, and stakeholders on social media.

The Black Lives Matter movement vs. student online movement

The Black Lives Matter movement gained global attention in 2014 after the fatal shooting of Michael Brown, an unarmed African American teenager, by Officer Darren Wilson in Ferguson, Missouri. The movement aims to “fight to end state-sanctioned violence, liberate Black people, and end white supremacy” (Black Lives Matter 2020). Following the acquittal of George Zimmerman, the neighborhood watch volunteer who fatally shot Trayvon Martin, an unarmed African American teenager, three African American women – Alicia Garza, Patrisse Khan-Cullors, and Opal Tometi – created and spread the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter in 2013 (Smith 2020:464). They aimed to highlight racial discrimination in a justice system they believed disadvantaged Black communities. #BlackLivesMatter, a revolutionary movement in America, advocates for minority rights using social media platforms and the slogan “Black Lives Matter.” In May 2020, the world witnessed the horrific killing of George Floyd, a Black man, by a White former police officer (Derek Chauvin) in Minneapolis, Minnesota. Chauvin knelt on Floyd’s neck for over eight minutes, suffocating him despite his pleas for air (Zissou and Aanya 2020).

A student movement in South African Higher Education, like the Black Lives Matter movement, used social media to organize protests and garner support. The difference lies in demographics, with Black people being a disadvantaged minority in the USA and the majority in South Africa. As Zissou and Aanya (2020) explain systemic racism impacts education, healthcare, and economic opportunities. South Africa’s pre-1994 Apartheid system provided inferior education to Black students, with poor funding and infrastructure. Interestingly, South African student grievances target a predominantly Black leadership, while American protestors fight for recognition from a White majority leadership.

Challenges of online learning in South Africa

Letseka et al. (2018) reveal that 80% of Black African students in South Africa face e-learning inequalities due to the unaffordability of digital devices and data for online learning. Research on online learning participation and outcomes, including X (Twitter) usage during COVID-19 outbreaks, highlights knowledge gaps (Jappie 2020:7; Bozkurt et al. 2020). The role of education activism in South Africa is well-documented (Bosch 2017; Buyens 2019). Scholars have observed the consistent student activism over the past three decades, highlighting that Black students are not just victims but active changemakers, and understanding their experiences with online learning is crucial for enhancing higher education (Ntombana et al. 2023). This article focuses on the key challenges historically marginalized, Black-dominated universities in South Africa face. These challenges include student contests over education rights, calls for financial assistance, and social justice campaigns promoting inclusiveness for the marginalized student majority living in poverty. The active stakeholders in these campaigns include students, alum supporters, and those who join out of a sense of moral obligation alongside detractors of the movement.

Drawing on data gathered from protestors, sympathizers, supporters, and non-supporters, we explore how the quest for education is voiced, criticized, and responded to through five themes identified using an inductive content analysis approach. By examining the challenges of education in student movements through the lens of Gen Z students, we question how and why the status quo is critical in the lives of historically marginalized Black students. We conclude by offering recommendations for the way forward.

Social media activism

Social media platforms like Facebook, YouTube, WhatsApp, and X (Twitter) are essential for social movements, allowing them to organize, promote, and document their activities, engage broader audiences, publicize protests, build alliances, and challenge authorities (Bosch 2017; Buyens 2019). X (Twitter) is Africa’s fifth most popular platform for news and self-expression, with 4.10 million active users (Kemp 2024). However, it has a gender bias with 68.2% of tweets being male and 55.7% from Gauteng Province, with the most active age group being 18–24 (Goldstuck 2020; Kemp 2024). These characteristics make X (Twitter) the most relevant platform for understanding Gen Z’s digital activism in higher education.

Going public: students speak out in the media

Grievances or new information can spark the origins of mobilizations. For instance, the COVID-19 pandemic and the shift to online learning in 2020 resulted in student grievances underpinning protests against government and university authorities.

When examining Gen Z activism in South Africa, 2015 is a crucial year. It demonstrates how worsening intergroup interactions led to student and stakeholder grievances against university and government policies. Social media played a crucial role in shaping group identity dynamics. During apartheid Universities were segregated by language (Afrikaans and English), and initially, only the University of Fort Hare catered to Black South Africans (Linden 2017). However, “the issues and questions the public debate raised suggest that South Africa is still not a unified country, even two decades after the end of apartheid” (Linden 2017:139). Race, class, and gender were key factors in the fight for equality by marginalized groups (Jali 2017).

Generation Z student activism

#FeesMustFall gained momentum when the University of Johannesburg students joined on October 22nd, 2015, marching to the ruling African National Congress (ANC) party headquarters demanding the “decolonization” of South African education (Linden 2017). Decolonization refers to “…the removal of all unjust systems such as patriarchy, racism and capitalism in society and the restructuring of society to reflect African systems” (Linden 2017).

The 2015 #FeesMustFall and 2020 protests were innovative in their use of social media and the Internet, with student activists and sympathizers primarily focusing on these platforms (Luescher 2016). Similarly, the protest action in 2020 triggered by the move to online learning was situated mainly on social media. Between 15 May 2020 and 31 July 2020 saw social media being used in protests, especially by the Black students using the following hashtags: #BoycottOnlineLearningUJ, #NothingForStudentsWithoutStudents, #UFHNeedsHelp, #BoycottOnlineLearning, and #EducationMatters movements.

In 2020, digital platforms were used as a proxy for physical protests, replacing the 2015 and 2016 methods where marginalized students used social media to mobilize and publicize mass offline protests. Students used these platforms to express activism, coordinate the movement, share emotions, and document the ongoing situation in the country.

Our methodology involved a qualitative analysis of conversations on X (Twitter’s) search interface. We focused on hashtags related to remote learning in South African universities during the 2020 hard lockdown. We are higher education professionals who are aware of the myriad lived experiences of the different students we teach. As the hashtags started trending, we wanted to understand the issues affecting students and aimed to use the insights to inform and improve our teaching practices and respond appropriately in the face of uncertainty.

To capture a wide range of student concerns at historically marginalized and privileged universities, data collection entailed using Twitter’s search interface (https://twitter.com/searchhome). The query used key words, phrases and hashtags such as “remote learning,” the “#BoycottOnlineLearningUJ,” “#NothingForStudentsWithoutStudents”, “#UFHNeedsHelp” and “#boycottonlinelearning” related to online learning in South African higher education. The following outcome measures were recorded: name, number of followers, number of viral tweets, number of associated web links to official government-based information sources, top tweet characteristics, and languages used. As local academics who are familiar with South African languages or vernacular was translated and checked using Google translate for correctness. Top tweet characteristics included ‘likes’, ‘retweets’ and ‘comments.’ A ‘like’ shows that a registered X (Twitter) user appreciates the tweet, while a ‘retweet’ indicates that they have shared the tweet on their own X (Twitter) page, and a ‘comment’ highlights that they have added written commentary for the tweet. Primary tweets meeting these criteria, plus any secondary tweets as part of a viral thread, were included in our analysis. We manually collected four datasets using the hashtags #BoycottOnlineLearningUJ, #BoycottOnlineLearning, #NothingForStudentsWithoutStudents, and #UFHNeedsHelp. This data collection occurred over one month, from June 29th to July 31st, 2020, shortly after the “#UFHNeedsHelp” movement gained traction. X (Twitter) was chosen for data collection due to its publicly available messages, but it’s important to note that the collected tweets are illustrative rather than statistically representative. We employed reflexive organic thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke 2019) to analyze the data. The analysis process consisted of three stages: pre-analysis, material exploration, and treatment of results, inference, and interpretation. Drawing on previous research of X (Twitter) (Giglietto and Selva 2014; Oh et al. 2013) each tweet was analyzed as a distinct unit. This approach enabled us to examine the context in which specific keywords appeared, allowing for coding based on the content characteristics identified in the literature. Our approach to gathering event-specific tweets aligns with previous studies on cyber education activism (Bosch 2017; Bosch and Mutsvairo 2017; Glenn 2016).

In addition to the tweet content, we collected metadata such as the number of retweets, replies, and contribution dates. To clean the data for analysis, we applied the following exclusion criteria:

Tweets selling or promoting products or services.

Tweets lacking context, unintelligible spam tweets, and non-activism tweets.

Tweets from locations outside South Africa (e.g., India). Tweets in languages other than South Africa’s 11 official languages, or those lacking South African slang.

Tweets identical to others in the dataset were excluded.

Reposted or forwarded tweets from other users were not counted.

After removing 20 irrelevant tweets, the final dataset consisted of 658 tweets. This volume compares favorably with previous studies involving manual coding (Pillay 2016). The initial analysis used Atlas.ti software to loosely group the data and was followed by manual coding. ATLAS ti is a Computer-Assisted Qualitative Data Analysis System (CAQDAS) renowned for its efficient, systematic, and flexible data analysis, enabling simultaneous visualization of large datasets (Rambaree and Faxelid 2013). Due to the novelty of the COVID-19 situation and our limited prior knowledge of the phenomenon under investigation, we employed an inductive content analysis approach. Informed by prior research (Bosch 2017), we developed codes to identify activism, counter-activism, and their content characteristics within the tweets. Tweets supporting the hashtags and their information were categorized as activism. Conversely, tweets refuting the activism and representing opposing voices were identified as counter-activism. Tweets expressing doubts, asking questions, or offering conflicting information were classified as undermining the activism.

We collected data from relevant concepts and hashtags to ensure trustworthiness while considering the study’s contextual information. We independently analyzed and coded the tweet text to identify discrepancies or alignments in our data interpretation. As we started the initial analysis, the lead author worked through Atlas ti, to loosely group the data. This analysis did not include a code book and counting the frequencies. The initial coding was shared with the second researcher for vetting and the second researcher agreed because she had gone through the grouping. We were reading to familiarize ourselves with the tweets. We then reviewed and discussed our initial coding and data interpretations collaboratively (Lincoln and Guba 1985). Finally, we engaged in ongoing, reflexive discussions regarding data analysis and interpretation, considering our perspectives as researchers, our subjective positions within the study, and our research roles (Lincoln and Guba 1985).

Following ethical guidelines for internet research, we removed all personal identification data from the collected tweets (Ahmed et al. 2017). To ensure anonymity, metadata and tweet content were stored separately. We adhered to recommendations by Christensen and Larsen (2020) concerning data collection, analysis, and presentation.

No formal ethical approval was necessary as the retrieved data (tweets) were from the public domain. While quoting tweets can potentially identify the source even with anonymized names, we strived to maintain confidentiality by removing participant identifiers. Anonymity serves to protect participants from potential harm, such as judgment or ridicule (Ahmed et al. 2017). We achieved this by using quotes without usernames/handles (Beninger et al. 2014) and excluding photos. Additionally, we excluded hate speech tweets.

However, we did not anonymize the handles of prominent social media influencers, journalists, and media outlets that were tagged. These individuals and organizations actively participate in discussions about current affairs and have built their brands around such engagement. In the context of this study, we aimed to document the various actors Gen Z sought to involve in their activism. The results are discussed next.

Content analysis revealed five key themes for trending tweets: (1) education rights, (2) calls for assistance, (3) calls for inclusive solutions, (4) responses to activism, and 5) reactions of activism critiques. To our knowledge, this study is the first to analyze how students, activists, and sympathizers in South Africa utilized X (Twitter) during the COVID-19 lockdown to respond to the implementation of remote or online learning.

Theme 1: education rights

Higher education as a constitutional right

Students emphasized their right to education as enshrined in the South African Constitution. In some situations, the students were acutely aware of their institutional right to access higher education. As students explained:

“It’s a constitutional right enshrined in the Bill of Rights to have equal and feasible education and constitutional rights come first, e-learning must be stopped!”

Students also argued that the situation was

“Depriving us our right to education.”

“Isn’t (it) our right to have education???”

Protesters positioned online learning as an infringement of the above-mentioned right due to existing disparities in infrastructure, resources and capacity at South Africa’s public universities.

“Students rights to equal (higher education) and (its) practicability are being infringed through this online learning.”

Historically White and privileged universities experienced teething problems during the rapid shift to online learning but successfully deployed online learning. For instance, in response to the 2015 protest action the University of Pretoria (UP) started migrating to a hybrid teaching and learning model. UP invested ZAR100 million (US$6 million) in their IT infrastructure to create a portal that enabled students to access learning resources at no data cost (Kupe 2020). Most of their undergraduate modules were already online (96%) when COVID-19 struck (Kupe 2020).

“We are not against online learning; all we want is an education system that will favor both the poor and the rich. E-learning only favors the elites, those close to proper Communication Infrastructure.”

Historically Black and under-resourced Black universities had the following issues.

“We have no Catch Up (plan). We have not received any confirmation that we finished our degrees. We have …. No Allowances. Unregistered Students.”

“All we want is to start our academic year, it’s the 1st of July… the first-month students were striking, some attempted suicides, some were depressed. February was a very emotional week for these students. Some of them ended up registering, but some had given up the fight and went home. DREAMS crashed just like that.”

List of demands

Born from the inequalities and disparities in South Africa, higher education students made several demands concerning the issue of online learning to provide equitable access. Protesting students felt that the university was failing to recognize that economically marginalized students were facing educational exclusion in light of the proposed online learning, remote learning and were effectively being prevented from accessing their rights to education.

“We want fair chances for every student….”

“We want better and sustainable education from (a marginalized university).”

“All we want is to finish this academic year.”

Fallism directed at issues affecting Gen Z

South African Gen Z sees higher education as a fundamental right and way to escape the wealth and income inequality that plagues the nation. “Student participation, a key element of university citizenship, includes transformational and activist dimensions” (Keet et al. 2017:80).

“They said education is the key to success… Maybe not for us.”

“We were told that “education is the key to success”, but now we are denied that key; we want to study, graduate and get our dream jobs for the betterment of ourselves and our families.”

The protests linked to education are primarily about equitable access to education, as embodied by the #FeesMustFall and #BoycottOnlineLearning hashtags. In line with this issue, Gen Z protestors understood that to achieve this, they needed political actors and relevant institutions to take action and redress the barriers to equitable access to higher education. Failure to respond in the manner they deemed appropriate resulted in calls for the institution or person to be targeted and gang-stalked online using the #MustFall suffix. During the protests, the calls were directed against the ruling political party and local government (#ANCMustFall, #CityOfCPTMustFall), personalities in the higher education sector, including vice-chancellors, their institutions and ministers of the affected institutions. Both privileged and historically disadvantaged universities were equally targeted.

Agenda setting—the issue is about the oppressed Black child

The campaign had various talking points, however there was a central theme to all online communication. Race and socio-economic issues were used to unite and coerce non-compliant Black Africans to show solidarity with the movement. Calls at times, demanded support from all Black Africans as an obligation or duty, particularly those that were opposed to the approach of boycotting online learning.

“I would like to remind fellow Black students that it’s other Black students who don’t have access to laptops, data and (the) internet!”

For sympathizers, the issue was clear.

“I’m not a UFH student, but I stand with my fellow Black children who are denied their rights to education!!

“Here are the facts and how we view the issue. For @Wits University and others to insist on resuming academic programs ONLINE tomorrow even when some students will be left behind, and after agreement with all stakeholders to work towards a later date when we are all ready, is irresponsible and inconsiderate.”

A raised fist, echoes of 1976 Soweto student uprising and 2016 #FeesMustFall Uprising

Calls to unite and fight were posted via the use of raised fist emoticons and militant language that resonates with the collective memory of South Africans.

“26 years post-apartheid, Black children have to fight for what they rightfully deserve.”

“The struggle continues Until they meet our demands.”

“…Our problem begins when we as the oppressed fail to unite.”

“#PhakamaMfundiwaseSS (#RiseUpSSstudent).”

“We will always fight for our rights and education freedom every day.”

Words like oppressed, struggle, fight and raised fist icons are loaded in the South African context due to its apartheid past. Protesters tapped into this lived history and expressed it in their tweets and boiled the issue down to Black African directed racial discrimination.

Revolutionary elders fought for it

Assassinated liberation leaders who fought apartheid were referenced.

“Tata (Our father, elder, Mr) Chris Hani fought for free and Compulsory Education for all. We are paying Residence fees while we are at home. Our sin is to be Black in these institution(s) of higher learning.”

Olagunju et al. (2022) highlight X (Twitter)‘s role in synchronized discussions during the #FeesMustFall movement, while Facebook was found to be more inclusive for sharing detailed information. Walton and Engelbrecht (2024) assert that inclusive education is a fundamental right for all students, emphasizing the need to scrutinize historical contexts and challenge power dynamics and inequality. Inclusive education is crucial in addressing the diverse needs of children, including disabilities, within complex contexts, and researchers are increasingly recognizing the complexity of implementing it within educational systems, thereby repositioning it within the educational landscape (Tefera, Powers, and Fischman 2018; Walton and Engelbrecht 2024).

Theme 2: Calls for assistance

The UFH campaign in particular employed calls for assistance targeted high-profile individuals who could either access the help they needed or influence decisions in their favor.

Tagging prominent black South African social media activists and media personalities in appeals

Social media influencers

@AvdBarryLeroux #UFHNeedsHelp brother please assist.

This account belongs to a Millennial Mega social media influencer with over a million followers on X (Twitter). He describes himself as the Public Protector and South Africa’s Black Twitter Commander in Chief. Followers on X (Twitter) were 1.1 M.

@akreana is a Gen Z macro influencer with 596.8 K followers. At the time of analysis, @akreana’s profile included a graphic with the words, Black children matter, Black Lives Matter and Black Futures Matter.

@ntsikimazwai is a Millennial activist and musician whose account is a debate platform for topical issues in South Africa. @ntsikimazwai’s brand is pro-Black South Africa. The account has 256.9 K followers making @ntsikimazwai macro influencer.

@cadamgaga is an afternoon drive host on Lesedi FM. Lesedi FM is a South Sotho free-to-air radio station with an extensive listenership. @cadamgaga is a macro influencer with 149.5 K followers.

@NkepileMabuse is a nano influencer with 18.9 K followers. @NkepileMabuse is an investigative journalist and producer of a current affairs show called Checkpoint that covers thought-provoking issues.

Tagging prominent far left politicians

Prominent Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) politicians include, @Julius_S_Malema (3.3 M Followers), @MbuyiseniNdlozi (1.1 M Followers) (who has resigned from the EFF) and @FloydShivambu who has since joined another party (1 M Followers). The EFF position themselves as a far-left pan-Africanist political party. Although seen as populist, their narrative revolves around fighting for the rights of the marginalized oppressed Black African poor masses in South Africa. Students from disadvantaged background fit the profile of those they are representing. After apparent silence and engagement with students on X (Twitter), they made a statement on 22 July 2020, through one of their branches.

“EFF EASTERN CAPE STATEMENT TO SAVE ACADEMIC YEAR AT THE UNIVERSITY OF UFH #UFHNeedsHelp #SaveUFHAcademicYear.”

Ministers from the ruling African National Congress (ANC) government who were tagged included Minister of Human Settlements, Water & Sanitation @LindiweSisuluSA who has 189.2 K Followers, Minister of Transport @MbalulaFikile who has 2.3 m Followers and Premier of the Eastern Cape @OscarMabuyane who has 11.3 K Followers and is where a lot of disadvantaged universities are located. Student appeals attempted to use emotive language and solidarity with struggle heroes to elicit assistance from leaders aligned with the ANC.

“In the spirit of Tata’ u (father, elder Mr) Mandela, Biko, Sobukwe, Sisulu, Tambo sicela uncedo..!! (Please help us)”

Throughout the campaign, students would often tag various media outlets. Digital news platforms (@IOL, @News24) radio stations (@SAfmnews @umhlob, @UWFM88_106FM, @METROFMSA, @Ziyawoyika_UWFM) 24-h news channels (@eNCA, @SABCNews, @SABreakingNews,) (newspapers) @Dispatch_DD, @IsolezweNews, and a youth talk show (@daily_thetha) on a state-owned TV channel. As with most prominent issues, the vast media channels and personal brands tagged were predominantly Black African, had wide appeal in the Black community and were more representative of the views of the average South African. The exceptions are the digital news channels and eNCA. As a state broadcaster, SABC has a mandate to be representative.

Students leveraged trending and successful hashtags to amplify their message

Mirroring and hybridizing to adapt BlackLivesMatter phrases (#ICantBreathe),

“We can’t breathe, DHET (Department of Higher Education and Training) must cancel online learning.”

“Black Student Lives Matter”, #EducationMatters”, “Student lives matter!!”

Protesting Gen Z students, particularly from marginalized universities showed their solidarity with the #BlackLivesMatter movement and perhaps their need to garner the global resonance the movement was able to inspire around the world. We cannot infer the depth of alignment with the American movement’s ideology. However, at face value, the idea of the ‘neglected Black child’ was a constant theme in tweets.

“The Black child is being left Behind.”

“Black child you’re on your own.”

Examples of other hashtags demonstrate the social ills faced by South Africa, specifically xenophobia.

(Xenophobic) #NigeriansMustFall, #PutSouthAfricaFirst,

“Why must #NigeriansMustGo trend so much instead of #UFHNeedsHelp (?) The level of xenophobia in this country is a lot.”

Both movements accuse migrants of being the protagonists of crime, unemployment, human trafficking, illicit drug sales and rape amongst other heinous acts (Itai 2020). Other hashtags included, #COVID19inSA, #Corona, #LifeBeforeLockdown, #julybabies. #fearwomen.

Social justice/responsibility linked to Mandela Foundation brand

The late President Nelson Mandela, an alumnus of a disadvantaged Black university, inspired students to petition for help, complain, and remind organizations to support disadvantaged students on Mandela Day. Students used the social justice and social responsibility mandates of the Mandela Foundation via the #67 min, #MandelaDay2020, #NelsonMandelaDay, #Tata hashtags and campaign hashtags in the days leading up to the day and on the day.

“Could you please spend your #67 min tomorrow by assisting … students?”

“Imagine having to fight for you to complete your degree simply because you have enrolled in an institution like Fort Hare. Hayi (no) condolences to the great institution of great icons like Nelson Mandela.”

“I’m waiting to hear what …(they) are going to say on Mandela day about education, our education system is a disgrace to the struggle of tata (our father) Nelson Mandela…”

Studies have established that a hostile campus climate was a catalyst for activism among Black and Brown students (Logan et al. 2017). Olagunju et al. (2022) concur that the university’s lack of engagement and inclusivity led students to turn to social media as a platform for participation and discussion. Rice and Moffett (2022) argue that Gen Z’s approach to activism is distinct from previous generations. Rather than passively waiting for change, Gen Z actively engages in social and political issues, believing they have the power to make a difference.

Theme 3: Calls for inclusive solutions

The point of contention was ensuring online learning catered to the needs of the underprivileged majority, not just the privileged few

Students did not oppose online learning in principle. The revolutionary versus evolutionary way the switch to online learning happened was one of the issues students were concerned about. As this student noted, “We are not against the revolution of e-Learning.”

“The issue for most was to ensure that all students were catered for, particularly the marginalized.”

“The @UJ_APK_EFFSC never rejected online learning. Our sin was to call for every student to be accommodated.”

“No one can afford to waste a year…. Imagine! No one is against Online Learning also. But can ALL students be catered for?”

“Yes, the academic year should be saved but not at the expense of students. The wellbeing of students is being compromised.”

Many students expressed the desire to see solutions that accommodated the majority of underprivileged students found in South Africa’s public universities.

“Leave no one behind, is the moral of #BoycottOnlineLearning … we don’t need a solution that speaks to a few selective students, but we need measures that ensure everyone is accommodated & benefits from e-learning.”

“We just call for a fair implementation of it to all classes of students!”

A call to accommodate students living in poverty

“What about our brothers and sisters who come from disadvantaged families? Who can’t even afford data? What about those who do not have the necessary devices to engage in this online learning program? Let us not be selfish.”

“What is scary now that we seem to be ignoring is the reluctance of University of Fort Hare to provide a detailed plan that will be inclusive of everyone yet continue to give distorted information to the media.”

Protestors who are using the call for inclusiveness are probably all Black students from a disadvantaged background, while the #BlackLivesMatters movement in America had a diverse ethnicity.

A muted call to accommodate international students

International students who were based on campuses were asked to leave their residences during the lockdown. In a country that struggles with xenophobia, this presented several challenges for students who lacked alternative places that were safe. It also introduced unforeseen financial burdens. International students registered for courses that required clinical work were left in limbo. Not all courses are suited to online learning. Communication with international (foreign national) students was sporadic both at a national and institutional level.

“No one wants to waste a year guys, but the logistics behind this thing are a mess. There’re international students under lockdown in their home countries.”

“And also, international students that are out of the country, can they also be considered.”

At the beginning of the lockdown, a one-size-fits-all approach was used to address students at privileged universities. Primarily communication tried to address the majority of students and did not acknowledge that there were special categories of students that needed more targeted communication.

“What does the University say about International students?”

With time, responses became more nuanced and accommodated minorities and students with exceptional cases.

Students with disabilities

The dismissal of disabled students’ experiences of online learning was described:

“There are so many physically disable(d) students at … UJ who rely on the institution’s resources for learning. Currently, they do not have access to such resources, such leaves them at a disadvantage to learn and move with this online learning.”

There were no tweets to reflect the situation for international students and differently abled students at less privileged universities. However, considering the themes covered with underprivileged students, it is probable that communication was minimal and there was a lack of resources to address their concerns. The failure of disadvantaged universities to deliver and compare dynamics between the swift and resourced responses at privileged universities created the erroneous impression of indifference among marginalized students.

A bottom-up versus top-down process

Gen Z protestors advocated for a bottom-up, consultative process, which would allow them to communicate their concerns and offer solutions. The #NothingForStudentsWithoutStudents was used to reinforce this idea.

“We’re asking the University to ensure that all students are included in the process. Find proper solutions first. Ensure that all students are included in the process.”

Although the suggestion to include all students in the process displays the naivety of the student from a logistic point of view, the critical issue is inclusivity.

Some made calls for solutions on how best to approach the rapid shift to online learning.

“Good people let’s not just #BoycottOnlineLearningUJ, let’s also present some solutions.”

“No, we can’t #BoycottOnlineLearningUJ. We don’t know how long Covid is going to keep us pinned down. But degrees need to be completed & space made for new learners. We need to make online learning more accessible to everyone in the interim.”

While others offered solutions based on the responses of more privileged and resourced institutions.

“Here are some solutions to think about.”

“We want (to) learn online right now, provide students with devices and data. … UCT gave devices to their students.”

Overall, students called for a more inclusive and equitable approach to online learning, recognizing the unique challenges faced by underprivileged and marginalized students. In short, the pandemic made existing educational barriers worse for students with disabilities, making it harder for them to access the knowledge and support they need (Ndlovu 2023). The student above suggested that universities could offer students with devices and data similar to what other institutions provide. Mestry (2023) similarly observed that participants strongly advocated face-to-face teaching in higher education institutions due to the challenges faced by disadvantaged students in obtaining digital devices and data. The author also noted that data and connectivity issues hindered students and academics during online classes. Those in remote areas struggled to access Wi-Fi due to high data costs, while others experienced slow internet speeds and difficulties procuring data.

Theme 4: Responses to activism

Silence from university management

According to Glenn (2016:84-85), “One student at Fort Hare said that they had been protesting for a long time but complained that it was only when the well-off students at Wits and UCT started protesting that the media noticed.” This is alluded to by Hlatshwayo and Fomunyam (2019:65) that “there is an inequality in the manner in which protests and social disruption in historically Black universities are treated compared to protest action in historically White universities, suggesting that this a reminder of the deeply embedded apartheid inequality reflected in higher education.” A condition of silence about the widespread problem of disadvantaged university management was shared and known between students involved in online education activism. The condition of silence inhibits open acknowledgment of students being left behind by management within an activist community. Pillay (2016:157) stated that silence is violence- “when privilege is being challenged, and justice is being demanded, these silences become forms of violence against decolonization.” For instance, students criticized the perceived silence of their vice-chancellors.

“His silence on institutions of higher learning is rather disturbing…”

“In my eyes, I saw my future so bright but the silence (from) management … has dimmed the dreams of the students.”

Vice-Chancellors used different approaches on X (Twitter). Some were more vocal than others, depending on their social media savvy. Their X (Twitter) accounts were essentially used as university broadcast channels and not a bi-directional communication tool. Students saw a Vice Chancellor’s X (Twitter) account as a direct line of communication. Therefore, they had no qualms about communicating directly with their Vice Chancellor and expecting individual and speedy responses.

“I had DMed (sent a private message to) the VC but received no response with regards to his plan of action.”

The Vice Chancellors did not engage with students’ tweets and private messages. Students who turned abusive or insistent were blocked.

“We are suffering… the (VC) … is busy blocking students from voicing out their struggles. We are not going to be silenced.”

“He is blocking everyone.”

Most universities relied on their spokesperson to engage with the media as the official voice of the institution. Vice-Chancellors communicated via prepared statements and press releases. Some intuitions attempted to censor and curtail the protestors’ right to organize and share the hashtag as a crisis communication tactic. According to some tweets, students experienced blocking, denials of their claims and threats against their movement in an attempt by management to prevent activists from speaking openly about their experiences as students explained,

“UFH spokesperson is busy threatening poor students instead of advising her beloved friends (UFH management) to deliver what is due to us students!”

“When we have a breakthrough with the media, the spokesperson misleads people. So basically, the thousands of students are lying and that one person is telling the truth. Wow!!”

However painful silencing the marginalized is, the personal costs for student activists and their supporters who publicly break this silence and voice the condition of lack of resources can be even worse. The online activism of students from Fort Hare went largely unnoticed by media outlets, politicians, and the public for over three months. This is confirmed by what previous studies found, “while students at the poorer, historically Black universities and campuses like UKZN had in many cases been protesting long before the wealthier universities started their protests and done more damage to infrastructure, those protests had largely gone unnoticed in national media” (Glenn 2016:88). “Students at poorer institutions that cater almost exclusively for Black students such as the Cape Peninsula University of Technology, Fort Hare University and the Tshwane, University of Technology” were protesting since 1994 about educational issues but often received little to no coverage of media (Hlatshwayo and Fomunyam 2019:67). People living in informal settlements who lack essential services like water, sanitation, and electricity often experience similar silencing when trying to get media attention. To be heard, they may often resort to violent protests, including vandalism, destruction of infrastructure in their communities, and looting businesses.

“Dear South Africans, are you waiting for us to commit suicide before you help us put pressure on the Minister of Higher Education and the Ufh management?”

“So, the [w]hole country is blue ticking us…Haibo no matamela naye uzenza so (Wow, even the president is following suit by remaining silent).”

The 2016 #FeeMustFall movement in the Gauteng province was led by students from Wits and supported by University of Johannesburg students who are both historically privileged public universities. The differences in the response highlight the institutionalized barriers ordinary South Africans face.

Olagunju et al. (2022) suggest that institutions may avoid social media presence during student protests due to reliance on traditional communication channels like email notifications and university websites, which could explain their silence. Bosch (2017) found that during the 2015 #RhodesMustFall campaign at UCT, students were the primary users, while university authorities were less active. This suggests that institutions may not view social media as an official communication tool, and bureaucratic processes can hinder timely responses. The time-sensitive nature of social media conflicts with universities’ bureaucratic procedures (Olagunju et al. 2022).

Theme 5: activism critiques

A common tactic used to silence student activism is to discredit their arguments and supporters. Critics often come from people with the ideological basis of historically White universities (Glenn 2016).

Tweets critical of the activism often portrayed students as entitled. For instance, they stated,

“We are so selfish that we only see situations from our own perspective. Why should my inability to afford online education, or for that matter, my unwillingness to cooperate, deny you your education if you can afford it? It’s not all about me. Don’t #BoycottOnlineLearningUJ.”

Another opponent of the activism undermined their experiences by commenting that

“Entitlement is a deadly disease. Give me! Demand! Give me! Demand!”

Some users perceived students’ grievances as making baseless excuses, as they described:

“So primary school kids are adhering to online and homeschooling?? Yet they don’t have NSFAS allowance, tablets and even phones [cell phones], angisayphathi eka ugesi namanzi emakhaya [you party and have running water] nor working parents… kodwa nina bokleva besingisi anifuni ukufunda [but you “clever” English speakers don’t want to learn].”

Students from privileged universities and those with bursaries were targeted.

“Sum (some) students from other universities are poor too, but they are not complaining about Online Learning besides UJ students.”

“Guaranteed some people who had NSFAS funding spent that money on parties, alcohol, clothes, etc. instead of buying a laptop and study materials. That is why #BoycottOnlineLearningUJ is trending.”

“You are given 1500 ($90) every month; data for research isn’t expensive. Won’t even go above 300 ($18). The reason why your data expenditure is high is bc (because) you use it for social media platforms as well.”

“Y’all are busy saying #BoycottOnlineLearningUJ because you don’t have data kanti [but] what are y’all using here on Twitter?”

“But why would you leave your laptops at Res? Isn’t that risking? Slides can be uploaded online, are you sure you are not trying to create a delay tactic?”

Similarly, some who critique distance education students explained:

“UNISA students looking at UJ students complaining and giving all kinds of excuses about e-learning and studying from home!”

“These are uncharted waters. We have to do with the little we have. To simply boycotting online learning coz we’re under-resourced isn’t the solution. If anything, it’s a cop-out. Let’s find solutions. I study at UNISA and have limited access to the Net (Internet), but I make it work. Cum on.”

Under the COVID-19 threat, transitioning to online remote learning was only successful for historically privileged universities. It was also difficult for historically Black universities and campuses, who struggled to access digital platforms because of a lack of devices, connectivity, and other family household circumstances (BusinessTech 2020). However, the multimodal, blended approach to teaching and learning is viewed as part of the future South African higher education system (BusinessTech 2020).

The study presents evidence on how students use activism to fight for educational equity, addressing feelings of discrimination, alienation, and distrust towards leadership. During the pandemic, students were concerned about quality education, and online options. Disadvantaged Gen Z studying at universities see education as a pathway for escaping poverty, overcoming historical disadvantages, and breaking the cycle of isolation and deprivation in their families. South African student activism has been a defining force in achieving higher education in the last few years. The findings highlight that students from previously disadvantaged universities were deprived of education during the lockdown which they felt was a fundamental human right.

This study showcases the extensive use of X (Twitter) by aggrieved students and their supporters. Viral tweets addressed the challenges of remote learning during COVID-19 lockdowns. Uniquely, this protest targeted Black South African influencers, politicians, and organizations aligned with the students’ cause. X (Twitter) may be a powerful tool for Black students’ activism to communicate rapidly with university management and education authorities during public health crises. We would highlight the importance of using X (Twitter) as a public mobilization of disadvantaged citizens and, given limited physical contact and preference to tweets, seemed necessary. The protesters reveal that the historically underprivileged Black institutions’ management was silent, and the only reaction was either to try to promise their students online learning resumption through conventional media platforms or block students as tactics to contain the situation. This however never occurred, and students continued protesting.

The students from privileged universities were concerned about logistics, while the marginalized students from institutions had not started with online learning. A previous study analyzed the students’ movement during the COVID-19 pandemic, and the mobilization calls became significant (Azionya and Nhedzi 2021). Government should give equal attention to the voices of both privileged and marginalized institutions. The needs and well-being of the most marginalized, including disabled students, need to be centered on an agenda for education empowerment and transformation.

South African higher education institutions implemented various strategies to adapt to teaching and learning online during the pandemic. These include training lecturers in digital tools and teaching methods, implementing emergency remote teaching, using existing learning management systems like Moodle and Blackboard, developing contingency plans for internet access and device shortages, offering data bundles and devices to students who cannot afford them, creating online resources and support services, encouraging flexible and asynchronous learning, and continuously improving online learning strategies to ensure quality education and minimize disruptions during the pandemic (Azionya and Nhedzi 2021; Van Schalkwyk 2021).

Implications

To address disparities in South African higher education, the government must demonstrate a sustained commitment to providing adequate resources and support for marginalized institutions. This includes targeted funding for historically Black disadvantaged universities and ensuring that resources reach those most in need. As the National Development Plan (NDP) Vision 2030 emphasizes, education and training systems should be responsive to diverse needs. The government needs to demonstrate how educational spending aligns with this vision, particularly for marginalized institutions. Additionally, policies should ensure equitable access to online education for all students, including international students and those with disabilities, who may face double marginalization. To better serve marginalized and minority students, policy development should shift away from a one-size-fits-all approach. Please note that the word minority is not the same as it applies in other countries like America or UK etc. In south Africa majority are Black people yet they are marginalized. Instead, policies should acknowledge students’ social positions by incorporating flexible and diverse assessment methods. A failure to understand the specificity of the problems can create perverse, unintended outcomes.

The concerns raised by Black students from privileged universities regarding logistical challenges also warrant attention. Therefore, the significant policy is to change towards an educational approach that ensures unity and equality through diversity. We suggest a bottom-up approach in the participation process set up of transformation policies for those the policy intends to benefit. The rhetorical value of policies will only benefit if there is implementation. In this regard, strong efforts are needed to establish mechanisms to support policy implementation and ensure much stronger correspondence between policy as pronounced and policy as practiced.

Study limitations and Recommendations

This study acknowledges limitations in its scope. While analyzing the content of tweets provided valuable insights, a more comprehensive picture of the media landscape could have been achieved by examining the web links included within those tweets. This additional data could have revealed deeper connections between traditional media and the discourse found on social media. The study is limited to the tweets we collected, which, as is the nature of X (Twitter) studies, may not provide a holistic view of higher education students’ conceptions of activism. We analyzed the tweets with a qualitatively focused interpretative approach, and our positionality as higher education researchers may influence this study. Other researchers might conclude with different results because interpretation and meanings are subjective. However, we had many discussions during our research process to ensure that we agreed on the meanings interpreted from the data. We also tried to make our analysis paths as visible as possible. Additionally, we only focused on tweet content and excluded links from our analyses. This may influence the results, as sometimes users like or retweet a tweet on the basis of the linked content, not because of the tweet’s content.

The study offers valuable avenues for future research: Exploring effective online learning strategies for under-resourced institutions and how can marginalized Black communities raise their voices for educational equity and accountability. Or what is the impact of student activism on education, and what mechanisms do these communities use?